WTW News Service; 13 December 2010
UK students: The battle of Parliament Square
13 December 2010. A World to
Win News Service. On 9 December Parliament
Square in London became the scene of an intense struggle. On one side were
energetic university and secondary school students fighting for their right to
an education and for the education of future generations. On the other were around
650 Members of Parliament hiding behind a brutal police force as they prepared
to dictate a tripling of tuition fees to as much as £9,000 ($14,000) per year.
Tens of thousands of London
students and pupils had walked out of class that morning to join a mass march
through central London to Parliament Square. They assembled at Malet
Street in front of the Union of London University (ULU). As they marched,
passers-by expressed warm support. The provocative intentions of the police
were clear from the beginning. As the march moved through Trafalgar Square,
Whitehall, the main route to Parliament Square was blocked by a police line so
that the students could not pass by the Prime Minister's residence in Downing
Street. Protesters were forced to go through St James Park where they were
again blocked
But the police could not
resist the enormous mass of protesters and were forced to retreat inch by inch.
Finally demonstrators managed to break through into Parliament Square. As
groups of students started fighting the police, the police did not hesitate to
respond as brutally as they could. While the police were beating
some students with their batons other youth joined hands and danced in the
square without fear. The protesters' spirits were high and lively.
By just past 3 pm the police
had been humiliated. A police van and all the police and their riot
shields in front of the van were covered with paint.
Despite police promises not to
stop the demonstration they started to close all the roads coming into
Parliament Square to prevent more people from joining it. They also surrounded
and "kettled" (trapped) those already in the square. While anxious
parents and others watching live TV coverage were told that the youth were free
to leave, that was a lie. By 5 pm no protesters were allowed out and the ring
around them was getting tighter and tighter. The students were frustrated and
angered by this "kettling" that was first used at the 2009 anti-G20
demos and has become a favourite police tactic in the UK.
At 5:40 the vote of the
Parliament was announced. Many students felt that Parliament had shamefully
ignored the people's will and the struggle with the police intensified. As the
police raised their sticks higher and hit harder, angry demonstrators fought
back and attacked the Treasury Office and the Royal Court of Justice. They
tried to bring down the Union Jack (British flag). The statue of that great man
of empire Winston Churchill and the War Memorial were also targeted.
The fight between protesters
and the police got even fiercer and both sides threw crowd-control barriers at
one another. The police kept beating students indiscriminately and attacking
them on horseback.
To give a taste of what it
feels like to be kettled, we quote the following: "Gabriel Lukes, 14, left
Dunraven School in south London on his own to join in the march. He was kettled
in Parliament Square before being moved to Westminster Bridge just after 9 pm.
He stood alone for two hours before being allowed off at 11 pm. His father
Peter was waiting for him. 'It was cold, cramped, you had like half a meter to
yourself,' he said. 'It was just terrible.'" (Guardian, 10 December 2010)
Many people injured by the
police were refused medical treatment and not allowed out of the temporary
prison.
People attempted to break out,
and some succeeded. A few protesters attacked a car carrying Prince Charles and
his wife.
According to eyewitnesses,
when one of the officers chasing people on horseback fell to the ground and was
trampled by his own horse, the police became even more aggressive in hitting
and swearing at people.
A 20-year old philosophy
student, Aflie Meadow, was left unconscious after a police officer hit him on
the head with a truncheon while he was trying to leave Parliament Square. He
underwent a three-hour operation for bleeding on the brain. The pavement
designated a casualty area was littered with injured protesters. The majority
were under 18. There have been reports in the media that around 40 protesters
were taken to hospital, but these figures seem too low. There were certainly a
great many walking wounded. It has been confirmed that police tried to stop
hospital staff from treating the civilian wounded, including Meadow, who had to
be taken from hospital to hospital. He is expected to recover.
Video footage posted on the
Net since that night shows police dragging a disabled youth across the road
after they tipped him out of his wheelchair. Another video shows at least one
officer who removed her identification tag. This is considered a grave
infraction of police regulations since officers without tags killed a bystander
they mistook for a protester at last year's anti-G20 demonstration.
The kettling continued into
the night as a form of punishment. Then after 9 pm the police pushed all of the
several thousand demonstrators onto the Westminster Bridge. They were kept
trapped there until 11.30 pm, when they were allowed to leave one by one after
being forced to show their faces to be filmed.
Many young people were beaten
and/or arrested. Scotland Yard confirmed 26 arrests that night. Another nine
have been arrested since then and the police are circulating pictures of more
than a dozen more wanted youth.
Thousands of demonstrators
also marched through the city of Leeds, the constituency of Nick Clegg, Deputy
Prime Minister and leader of the Liberal-Democrat party that is part of a
Conservative party-lead governing coalition. There were reports of student
protest marches and other actions in many other cities that day.
Building to a fever pitch
Opposition to the proposed fee
hikes had been building up to a fever pitch for a month.
The first demonstration on 10
November saw more than 50,000 students march through central London to Millbank
Tower, the headquarters of the Conservative Party. Angry students attacked the
building, broke the police line and forced their way inside. They occupied the
building, its roof and the court yard. At the end of day 35 students were
arrested and 14 hospitalized.
On 24 and 30 November, the
National Campaign against Fees and Cuts (NCAFC) organized more demonstrations
and days of action across the UK. The biggest demonstration took place in
central London, but according to BBC, tens of thousands of university students
and now secondary school pupils also staged marches, occupations and other
actions in Manchester, Birmingham, Cambridge, Nottingham, Oxford, Sheffield,
Leeds, Brighton and other cities.
After the debacle at Millbank,
the police prevented the 30 November march in London from reaching its
destination, even though it had been authorized. Avoiding a frontal
confrontation that seemed to be what the authorities wanted, protesters split
up into small groups. Eventually they converged on Trafalgar Square, where
police contained them. By the end of the day, more than 150 were arrested.
Universities and colleges in
London and all over England are still occupied. Many students believe that the
parliamentary vote in favor of the tuition hikes has not settled the issue and
want to continue this struggle.
Why the fees increase
The new coalition cabinet of
Tories (Conservatives) and Liberal-Democrats introduced a plan to save over 9
billion pounds annually through huge cuts in public spending. Budgets were cut
for universities and education as a whole. This was followed by the plan to
raise the cap on university fees to £9,000 a year. The government seemed
confident that it could carry out this plan with no serious opposition but the
student protests put an end to this dream.
Although the Labor party voted
against the plan on 9 December, they were actually the first to introduce big
tuition increases when they were in power, and they were the ones to commission
the review that led to the current fee hikes. But the new coalition cabinet
under Conservative leadership accelerated that trend with a speed that shocked
everyone. Lib-Dem leader Clegg had put his signature on a pledge not to
increase tuition when his party was campaigning for election. Then, after he
became Deputy PM, he turned around and said that the pledge had been a
"mistake" and that the proposed increases were "a fair and
progressive solution to a very difficult problem."
This arrogant dishonesty
enraged many people, who tend to believe that the Lib-Dems sold out just to
share power with the Tories. This is not quite correct. In fact, while all
three parties had promised to reject even smaller tuition increases than the
ones that were eventually adopted, none of them have now stated any opposition
to them in principle. Even the opposition Labour Party's disagreement is with
the speed with which the increases are to be implemented, which they feel risks
too much social discontent, and not with the overall approach.
The agreement among the ruling
class parties is related to the financial crisis affecting all the imperialist
countries, including the UK. Since the crisis broke out, billions of pounds
have been allocated to bail out the big banks and companies and help them
become more efficient and successful in their competition with the financial institutions
of rival imperialist countries. The cost of these efforts is to be borne by the
people. For many, this amounts to snatching away the promise of the kind of
life they thought they were entitled to and guaranteed.
Education budgets in the UK have
been reduced by billions of pounds over the last few years. This has already
damaged the educational system and dramatically lowered its quality level. The
UK has already gone from a third place ranking on a world scale to tenth.
Previous fee increases and cuts in grants have made it much more difficult for
people from the lower sections of society to acquire an advanced education. The
availability of education to all, which was once proclaimed a right, has
disappeared as an official goal for some time now.
The government defended the
tuition increases by saying that students can get loans. Even if and when this
is so, they must begin paying back the loans at the end of their study or when
they find a job. That means students may start their post-university lives with
a debt of 30,000-40,000 pounds that must be completely paid off within 25
years. Buying an education is the logic of capitalism. Education is to be privatized
and any investment made conditional on its immediate profitability.
The idea behind this plan, or
at least the excuse, is that by buying an education – as they might buy a suit
– students can advance their earning power. But even if this "works"
for some people, it can only increase social inequalities. Such an approach means
a further step in reducing people to soulless, competing personifications of
money. It robs individuals of their human potential and impoverishes society
intellectually and culturally. No wonder so many youth reject this vision of
the future.
Who are the hooligans?
The radical protest actions
indicate the anger and frustration of students, teachers, lecturers and
parents. They are fighting not only for themselves but for the education of
future generations that is now under attack by the thugs who are trying to vandalize
the whole educational system. Yet the government and some media have waged a
campaign to depict the students as hooligans. They have launched a witch-hunt
to criminalize these youth who are actually the hope of the future.
These huge and determined protests
have signaled that the British ruling class and their guard dogs may have a
very difficult time in carrying on with their planned "austerity"
measures. Many people have compared these actions to the protests
against the poll tax that broke the back of Margaret Thatcher's government two
decades ago. While it is impossible to predict where the student movement will
go next, it can certainly be said that British imperialism is in a much weaker
and more volatile situation and deeper in crisis than 20 years ago